Biden’s withdrawal solves one of Dems’ many problems. But it creates one, too | Opinion

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Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the presidential race solves one big problem for Democrats. But it creates another in its wake: Rather than addressing the party’s deficiencies on key issues, it may enhance them.

The decision to abandon his quest for a second term validates what voters and Republicans — anyone but the most partisan Democrats — have been saying for years: Biden was too infirm for another White House run. Everyone saw it.

With that’s out of the way, everything must be fine for the party, right? Nope. On inflation, immigration and certain social issues (with the key exception of abortion) Democrats are out of touch with voters. They bear the weight of Biden’s record. Two-thirds of Americans believe the country is on the wrong track. That’s a longstanding trend that can’t be pinned entirely on Biden, but it’s hard for a party to retain power in such circumstances.

Here’s the new issue that Republicans, if they’re smart, will relentlessly press: When it comes to Biden’s decline, what did Vice President Kamala Harris and other Democrats know and when did they know it?

President Joe Biden (L) and Vice President Kamala Harris campaign at Girard College in Philadelphia in May. File Photo by Laurence Kesterson/UPI
President Joe Biden (L) and Vice President Kamala Harris campaign at Girard College in Philadelphia in May. File Photo by Laurence Kesterson/UPI

Democrats have spent at least two years peddling a Soviet-esque story that rang of propaganda betrayed by one’s own eyes. Biden, they said, was masterful, energetic, demanding. His press secretary, more than 30 years his junior, said with a straight face that she had trouble keeping up with him. He was a savant who knew the minute details of every facet of government. His slurred words and dropped thoughts? Just the effects of an old stutter, or a cold, or — hey, here’s a transcript that helpfully fills in what he meant to say.

After Biden spent just 90 minutes on a stage with Trump — now surely the most consequential presidential debate in American history — Democrats suddenly dropped the mask. Biden’s staff tried to publicly prop him up, but lawmakers, donors and media figures suddenly relayed stories

And they did it not because they were concerned about a steady hand on the American government, now or for the next four years. They did it because they now had to admit that Biden, in that condition, could not win an election and was in fact so bad he could pull the whole party down with him.

Political actors can be forgiven for taking politics into consideration. But this was too much. What risks did they create? What foreign policy bungles were there? What non-elected officials made which decisions, and what were the consequences?

Now, it’s about whom you can trust, and if you manage to ring up a trust deficit when running against Donald Trump, you have made a pretty epic political mistake.

As Democrats try to turn the page, they’ll also face the question of why Biden, if he can’t complete three more months as a candidate, should spend five more as president? Wouldn’t the responsible thing be for him to resign, right now, or be pushed out by Harris and the Cabinet under the 25th Amendment?

Democrats will remain on the defensive. That’s a tough place to be when you face the gargantuan task of trying to persuade Americans to elect someone president in just over three months.

One advantage they’ll have is the contrast with Trump. A smoother, younger candidate can offer to turn the page on this sorry era of old men yelling at clouds. But if it’s Harris, whom Biden endorsed Sunday, her political resume doesn’t offer much else. Her quick tenure in the Senate was unremarkable. Her own presidential bid in 2019 was so bad, she didn’t make it to a single primary. Her time as vice president is marked by goofy comments and staff turmoil. Her highest-profile assignment, as the so-called border czar, is an issue that is perhaps the administration’s biggest failure.

A lesser-known candidate, perhaps a governor or even a senator, comes with different risk. Republicans and the media will dig hard and fast into the candidate’s background. Scandals and unflattering stories that can fade over the many months of a normal presidential campaign will be placed before voters still forming their impression of the candidate, with little time to change the subject.

The picture is better today for Democrats than it was yesterday. But they are playing defense on a number of fronts — among usually reliable demographic groups. Solid blue states are wavering against a unified GOP with a sense of mission and the taste of victory at hand.

Biden did Democrats a favor Sunday. But he did so long after the damage was done.

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