Rising Russian tensions put lonely NATO base in Poland on map
By Erik Kirschbaum SZCZECIN Poland (Reuters) - There are no boots on the ground at NATO's only headquarters behind the former Iron Curtain -- just some top brass sitting at desks with maps on the walls. In fact, the alliance's lonely outpost at Szczecin in western Poland has created such a tiny footprint over the past 15 years that barely anyone noticed it even existed. But it is about to get an upgrade in response to what NATO sees as Russia's aggression in Ukraine. NATO decided at its summit in Wales last week to raise the combat readiness of the command post and to double its size from 200 officers - from the United States, Germany and 12 eastern European nations - to about 400. These might appear to be minor changes unlikely to serve as a significant deterrent to ambitions Moscow may have to try to unite Russian-speaking enclaves in parts of eastern Europe whose countries joined NATO after the Cold War. However the NATO moves to bolster the Szczecin base are of considerable symbolic importance and are having a galvanizing effect in former Warsaw Pact countries that are most alarmed by Russia's annexation of Crimea and fighting in eastern Ukraine. "It's great news for me and for the countries of eastern and central Europe that the political leaders of the NATO countries took the decision to increase our combat readiness," said Lieutenant General Boguslaw Samol, the commander of the base known as the Multinational Corps Northeast, in an interview. "The message sent from the summit is very important not only for Poles and Czechs, and the Baltic countries but also for the rest of Europe: Our countries share a common security policy in this region and they are ready to stand together in the event of conflict to protect our territory," the Polish commander said. There is also a broader connotation to the move.Szczecin might be a tongue-twister for English speakers but Winston Churchill mentioned its German name, Stettin, in his famous 1946 speech when he defined an "Iron Curtain" that was dividing Europe "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic...." RIGHT STEP AT RIGHT TIME Eastern European NATO members appealed to the alliance well before the Wales summit to station forces permanently on their territory to deter any Russian attack. But others were leery. In 1997, during a period of better relations, NATO had reached an agreement with Russia under which alliance members said they had no intention of deploying nuclear weapons on the territory of new member states, which began joining in 1999 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Under that agreement, NATO also committed to defending its members through reinforcement rather than by permanently stationing additional "substantial combat forces" there. "It's the right time for this now," Samol told Reuters in his modest office in one of just 12 buildings that make up the NATO "Baltic Barracks" headquarters. The NATO decision to expand its presence was big news in Poland, prompting more than 30 Polish reporters immediately rushed to the base just 15 km (9.5 miles) east of the Germany border to report on the upgrade. Poland's President Bronislaw Komorowski also flew to the base to inspect the troops on his way back from Wales to Warsaw. The exact details of upgrading Szczecin and bolstering NATO's presence in eastern Europe are still being worked out and analysts have doubts it will impress Moscow's military planners. Until now the base has served as a command headquarters for the Multinational Corps Northeast – coordinating NATO exercises and 14 different military systems. There are no tanks here and the campus-like facility has more computers than weapons. "I'm not convinced with the argument that these moves will make Russia quiver in its boots," said Daniel Keohane, head of strategic affairs at the FRIDE think-thank in Brussels. "But as a political statement to countries in eastern Europe they're very important whatever their real military value might be." Keohane said NATO had no choice but to show the flag in eastern Europe, where the fears of Russia are not theoretical. "These kinds of steps, like upgrading the base in Szczecin, had to be taken. NATO had to reassure its allies." NATO SUPPORT There is strong pro-NATO sentiment outside the base on the streets of Szczecin, an industrial port city of 400,000 that was German until the end of World War Two and Swedish in the 17th and 18th centuries. In neighboring Germany there are tensions at times about the presence of NATO bases and fears of those towns being primary targets in any conventional war. But not in Poland. "I definitely feel a threat from Russia and it's good that Poland is a member of NATO," said Kamil Szanter, an 18-year-old student in Szczecin. "All the endangered countries should stick together. This is a signal to Russia that you shouldn't mess with Poland because it's part of NATO." Physiotherapist Justyna Krol lives across the street from the Szczecin base and said it was fine with her that NATO was going to expand. "I think it's a good move because I'm afraid of what Russia is doing. NATO is a very good thing for Poland." Poland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania wanted a larger and permanent NATO deployment in eastern Europe to deter Russia – up to two NATO divisions, or 20,000 to 30,000 troops. The NATO summit agreed to set up a new rapid-reaction force with 5,000 troops as a spearhead to deploy to a conflict zone within days. But the "spearhead" rapid reaction force will not be based in Poland even though operations could be coordinated from Szczecin. There has also been talk of possibly pre-positioning supplies in Szczecin or elsewhere in Poland. Brigadier General Lutz Niemann, chief of staff at the base, said the details on exactly what Szczecin will be tasked with still have to be worked out but he assumes its IT and communications operations will be greatly expanded. For now, it is just the fact that it is happening that is bringing some comfort to what Niemann said was a "somewhat under-represented" eastern Europe. (Additional reporting by Sabine Siebold and Oliver Elrodt Editing by Jeremy Gaunt)
