New Jersey Democrats mull a future with a weakened George Norcross

After a generation of unrivaled influence in Trenton, George Norcross is right where a lot of his fellow Democrats want him.

The 67-year-old insurance executive’s reign as one of the most fearsome political bosses in the nation is at an all-time low — and, depending how the next two statewide election cycles go, may not fully rebound. Norcross acknowledged his diminished standing in a recent interview with POLITICO, saying he’s stepping back from politics and is ready to let others lead the political operation he built three decades ago.

His forced retreat raises questions about the future of Norcross’ South Jersey machine but also the direction of the Democratic Party throughout New Jersey. No governor of the past two decades has had success without his backing and cooperation.

But beginning with Gov. Phil Murphy, who splintered the party when he decided to investigate companies tied to Norcross, Democrats have gradually become emboldened to defy one of the country’s last regional power brokers.

“Everybody in the North and Central Jersey right now don’t want George to control the next governor,” said one North Jersey Democratic operative and veteran political adviser, who was granted anonymity to speak candidly.

“Every gubernatorial race before this, George was an enormous voice. What he said mattered,” the person added. “And now that probably won’t be the case unless a whole bunch of things change in very fast order.”

That would likely mean an extraordinary electoral run for South Jersey Democrats: reclaiming three seats in the 3rd Legislative District, holding onto the ones they have in the 4th and, most crucially, a viable run for governor by former state Senate President Steve Sweeney, a Norcross ally.

But few people entrenched in state politics see a viable path for Sweeney after he lost his seat in a stunning upset in 2021. And if Sweeney declines to run or loses the 2025 primary, Central and North Jersey would almost certainly strengthen their power.

Metaphors for Norcross’ hold on power, and its shocking decline over the past few years, abound in New Jersey political circles.

“The Roman Empire ruled for years as a dominant power in the world,” said Democratic State Committee Chair LeRoy Jones, who several years ago had his own feud with Norcross involving his elevation to the chairmanship. “l’m not trying to equate South Jersey with the Roman Empire, but you go through your highs, you go through your lows, and it becomes cyclical, it becomes generational, and change is evident. This is perhaps one of those cyclical, generational changes.”

From college dropout to power broker

Norcross’ rise in politics began inauspiciously. The son of a powerful union leader, Norcross dropped out of college and for a time was a chauffeur for former Camden Mayor Angelo Errichetti, who was convicted in the infamous Abscam bribery scandal that also ended the career of U.S. Sen. Harrison Williams.

But Norcross soon began to accumulate power. In 1978, Errichetti appointed the 22-year-old director of the Camden Parking Authority. He soon developed an insurance business that benefited from city contracts, which in turn allowed him to spend on helping Democrats fend off primary challenges and flood the airwaves with advertising, according to Howard Gillette Jr.'s "Camden After The Fall: Decline and Renewal in a Post-Industrial City."

Norcross became Camden County Democratic chair in 1989, further strengthening his grip on South Jersey. Over the years that followed, his insurance firm, Conner Strong & Buckelew, grew to be one of the largest in the country.

With Camden County’s Joe Roberts as Assembly speaker from 2006 to 2010 and then Sweeney, a childhood friend, as Senate president from 2010 to 2021, Norcross effectively controlled what legislation did or did not get voted on in the Statehouse.

His influence reached its zenith after the 2009 election of Republican Gov. Chris Christie, who forged a governing partnership with Norcross and Sweeney that lasted eight years. South Jersey got favored treatment, with a higher education revamp that brought the region its own medical school and economic development laws rewritten to pave the way for billions of corporate tax breaks in Camden. More than $1 billion in tax breaks went to companies connected to Norcross and his associates, according to a ProPublica analysis.

Some North Jersey Democrats, more fractious but used to dominating state politics, privately seethed. More recently, they’ve watched with a sense of schadenfreude as Norcross’ power has eroded, partly through a political realignment among blue collar South Jersey residents, but also his own missteps. And Norcross’ critics from the left reacted with glee when he said he was stepping back, saying the Democratic Party has already moved on from him.

“It hasn’t been a benevolent dictatorship,” said one veteran Democratic operative from South Jersey also granted anonymity to speak candidly about Norcross.

A powerful machine wears down

Democrats differ on when the South Jersey decline began. Some point to Norcross’ association with Christie, who, by the time he left office in 2018, held the dubious distinction of being the most unpopular New Jersey governor since the advent of public polling. Norcross and Sweeney then began feuding with Murphy, who launched an investigation into state tax incentives that led to months of negative headlines for Norcross, but no charges.

Others point to the 2019 loss of the state’s 1st Legislative District, where Democrats were unable to hold a conservative region after the departure of then-Democrat Jeff Van Drew for Congress in 2019.

Van Drew’s political career as a conservative Democratic state lawmaker flowered under the Norcross machine, which funded his campaigns and helped steamroll progressive opposition to his rise to Congress. But Van Drew chafed at pressure from South Jersey Democrats to vote for then-President Donald Trump’s first impeachment, leading Van Drew to switch parties and declare fealty to Trump. Now, Van Drew has arguably become New Jersey’s most prominent MAGA spokesperson.

But it was the 2020 Democratic primary to find a candidate to take on the newly minted Republican Van Drew that other Democrats cite as the moment they realized just how much Norcross’ power had declined.

Norcross’ machine backed Brigid Harrison, a district native and political science professor, to be the Democratic nominee. But Amy Kennedy, who married into the legendary political dynasty, won the support of progressive critics of Norcross as well as the endorsement of Atlantic County Democrats. On primary night, Kennedy beat Harrison by an astounding 40 points. (Kennedy would go on to lose the general election to Van Drew).

The next year, as Murphy had a closer-than-expected reelection fight, Sweeney and his two Assembly district mates went down to a slate led by Republican Ed Durr, a virtually unknown truck driver who had few resources at his disposal. The results showed a potential fundamental shift in the region, whose working-class voters were trending right as suburban, well-heeled voters in central and North Jersey suburbs trended left.

Norcross and his allies picked fights that alienated Democrats further north. During congressional redistricting in December 2021, South Jersey Democrats — worried about the region’s trends — tried to shore up the already safe 1st Congressional District seat held by Norcross’ brother Donald at the expense of several House Democrats further north in more competitive districts. North Jersey Democrats were livid.

And this year, Norcross got involved in an intraparty fight far from his South Jersey power base, in Mercer County.

Norcross backed his longtime ally Brian Hughes for reelection as county executive against Assemblymember Dan Benson, even though the bulk of the local Democratic Party went with Benson. Local officials rebuffed Norcross’ request to stay neutral in that race. Later, to aid Hughes’ campaign, Norcross and Sweeney tried to persuade Assemblymember Wayne DeAngelo (D-Mercer) to run a primary campaign against his longtime running mate, Linda Greenstein. DeAngelo declined.

Then, Norcross got into a contentious, insult-laden phone call with state Senate President Nick Scutari over campaign funding in South Jersey. After that, the operative from North Jersey said, Democrats north of Interstate 195 “coalesced” in opposition to Norcross.

Despite larger losses, Camden County Democrats remain firmly in local control as they face challenges from within the party. In a city council primary last month, Norcross-backed candidates defeated a slate supported by the progressive group New Jersey Working Families. County commissioners also won reelection last month, results that the county party said show voters “stand for real progressive Democrats.”

Sitting in the backseat

Norcross, by his own admission, has lost power to historically rival factions in North and Central Jersey led by Jones, the state party chair, and Middlesex County Chair Kevin McCabe, respectively. In the interview, Norcross referred to them as the leaders of the Democratic Party today.

“LeRoy and Kevin are very smart people. And so far, they look like they're doing a good job politically. And the results demonstrate that,” Norcross said.

After the 2021 election, in which Sweeney and his running mates lost to Republicans, Norcross said he was “involuntarily pushed to a different place." In a statement for this article, he said “at this point, I’m in the backseat watching others fight on statewide issues.”

Now a resident of Florida, Norcross said he spends much of his time on his insurance business and Cooper University Hospital in Camden and would like to spend more time with his family and on leisure activities such as golf and tennis.

“It could very well be a blessing in disguise for me personally,” he said in the interview.

But it leaves a void at the time with no declared successor to lead the political operation. Instead, Norcross named in the May interview some South Jersey leaders who can step up: former Camden Mayor Dana Redd or current Mayor Vic Carstarphen; Assemblymembers Lou Greenwald (D-Camden) or Carol Murphy (D-Burlington); Gloucester Mayor David Mayer; and state Sen. Troy Singleton (D-Burlington).

Norcross is not fully backing out of politics, though. He told POLITICO he’d continue working to support his brother Donald. A super PAC tied to Norcross, American Representative Majority, got involved in the Republican primary in the 4th Legislative District this spring.

And Norcross said he would do whatever he could to help Sweeney in a gubernatorial run — if asked. As the longest-serving Senate president in state history, Sweeney was a critical cog in the Norcross machine.

“It’s a reset. We lost in a tidal wave,” Sweeney said in an interview. “We’re going to work to rebuild, and we will. I’m confident in that.”