In a last-minute budget, we find NJ Democrats' real priority: Retaining power | Stile

How does a New Jersey state budget grow from $53 billion to more than $54 billion virtually overnight, with no public input or debate?

By restocking the Democratic Party's Reelection Protection Fund — the assortment of line items added to the budget at the last minute that could help Trenton's ruling-party incumbents as they hit the campaign trail. Come November, they will be trying to defend their majorities in both the state Senate and the Assembly, as all 120 seats in the Legislature are on the ballot.

The budget became bloated with an extra $1.27 billion in spending last week, after the Democrats running the table in Trenton approved a spending plan without actually having the bill ready. Party leaders shrugged off the complaints, yawned and went about business as usual by including the "legislative grants" or "add-ons," which are just euphemisms for pork barrel spending.

It's worth noting that this was not the largest last-minute, dark-of-night spending spree from the ruling Democrats. This year's figure represents a 26% drop from the fiscal year 2023 budget, enacted last June.

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What is driving skyrocketing spending?

But this year's dip needs some context. For the third consecutive year, Trenton has created a budget that, as a result of last-minute haggling, includes additional spending of over $1 billion more than originally proposed or conceptually agreed to. The total of the fiscal year 2024 state budget still represents a fourfold increase from the plan enacted for fiscal year 2021.

So what is driving the skyrocketing spending? For one thing, New Jersey's coffers made plenty of money available. Unspent federal pandemic aid and improved revenue collections as the economy crawled back to work increased the available supply of money for a spoils spree.

And then came the near-red-wave shock of the 2021 elections, in which New Jersey Republicans flipped seven seats in the Legislature and Gov. Phil Murphy survived a 3-point nail-biter of a victory over Republican challenger Jack Ciattarelli.

That scared Democratic leaders, prompting them to realign the party's socially progressive agenda and focus more on "affordability" — a code word for pocketbook issues like property tax relief. The realignment was financed by big spending on rebates. The ANCHOR rebate checks were followed this year by a second round — and a hastily conceived one — StayNJ, which promises to slash senior property tax bills in half starting in 2026. The chances of that program getting off the ground are slim to none.

"Over the past two years, affordability has been at the forefront of every decision," said Senate President Nicholas Scutari, D-Union.

Can you smell the pork?

And, of course, pork helped the Democratic Party's conversion to champions of affordability.

This year's largesse is tucked into every nook and cranny of blue New Jersey. There are the usual allocations for roof repairs for libraries and first-aid squads, and the favored projects of the politically powerful, like the fate of the Turtle Back Zoo in Essex County, a political priority for Essex County Executive Joe DiVincenzo and the Essex Democratic delegation. This year, the zoo gets $7.5 million for improvements to its animal hospital.

Then there is the $10 million chunk of no-strings-attached "operating" aid sent to North Bergen, the fief of state Sen. Nicholas Sacco, a North Jersey power broker for decades. There's no explanation of why North Bergen gets that kind of last-minute infusion at the exclusion of other aging suburbs or small cities struggling to tamp down on their property taxes.

A spokesman for Sacco defended the state funding.

“North Bergen has faced significant financial challenges due to expenses from the pandemic, costs increased by inflation and a growing backlog of tax appeals stemming from a state-mandated tax revaluation, and this operating aid will enable the municipality to reduce the impact on local taxpayers and ensure that working class residents are not harmed while still maintaining a healthy surplus,'' Philip Swibinski, a Sacco spokesman, said in a statement.

Sounds reasonable enough. It also sounds like an explanation that any mayor from any pandemic-recovering New Jersey town could make if forced to defend a $10 million bonus from the state.

Another big winner in the pork sweepstakes is Cliffside Park, which nabbed $15 million for a library and recreation annex project. Certainly, a nice election-year prize for Assemblyman Clinton Calabrese, the Democrat from Cliffside Park, although there is no way to say this project is worthier than scores of others around the state, including in Republican communities.

Then there is another $24 million for the planned Jersey City branch location of the famed Parisian Pompidou Center, matching the same allocation from last year's budget. By comparison, the Asbury Park Theater Company stands to gain $175,000, or $75,000 more than what was originally budgeted.

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Down the Shore, will everything be all right?

Speaking of Asbury Park, the city is part of the 11th Legislative District, one of the battleground contests that will garner the most focus — and party money — this year.

The Shore-centric district is represented in the state Senate by Vin Gopal, who notes that he's the only Democrat in the Legislature between Exits 1 and 120 on the parkway. And he's a member of the only legislative district split between the two major parties.

Gopal narrowly kept his seat by a 2,700-vote margin in 2021, while his two Democratic Assembly mates narrowly lost. He now heads into the general election with a bull's-eye on his back and a new GOP challenger in Steve Dnistrian, a former public relations executive from Colts Neck.

In what looks like a bid to bolster Gopal, the 2024 state budget distributes pockets of aid to virtually every school district and community in the 11th District. There is money for the Asbury Park Tennis Initiative ($100,000); public safety needs in Neptune City, Ocean Township and Freehold Township ($50,000 each); an affordable housing project in Eatontown ($250,000); and grants for student mental health programs, ranging from $100,000 to $500,000 for seven school districts.

There are plenty more Gopal-guided grants, including $250,000 for the Society of the Prevention of Teenage Suicide, a Monmouth County-based advocacy group. The funding represents the growing post-pandemic crisis on mental health among teenagers, but Gopal says he has made mental health a priority.

The senator rejected suggestions that funding was designed to prop up his election fortunes. He says it is consistent with what the district has received in the past and also reflects his non-stop advocacy for his district in Trenton.

"Every single thing I do in the Legislature, every negotiation I make, is to get resources back in my district," he said.

Still, no other district has the breadth of the pork funding of the 11th District, which includes Long Branch, Eatontown, Red Bank, Tinton Falls and Neptune City. They may not be the size of North Bergen's bonanza, but they each could yield goodwill and a few voters who might reward Gopal in the polls.

In a low-turnout legislative election, every vote counts.

"It's a game of inches," said Micah Rasmussen, director of the Rebovich Institute for New Jersey Politics at Rider University. "What we're really talking about ... is a low turnout election of between 30,000 to 40,000 voters, and so you're talking about a margin between the winner and loser coming down to maybe a couple of thousand votes.

"It's bringing home the bacon," Rasmussen said.

Keeping those voters well-fed on a pork diet may may mean all the difference.

Charlie Stile is a veteran New Jersey political columnist. For unlimited access to his unique insights into New Jersey’s political power structure and his powerful watchdog work, please subscribe or activate your digital account today.

Email: stile@northjersey.com 

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This article originally appeared on NorthJersey.com: NJ 2024 budget is a lesson in Democratic power plays: Stile