A Palestinian Former Knesset Member Explains the Delicate Politics of His Party

An electoral billboard of Sami Abu Shehadeh displays a middle-aged man in glasses wearing a red tie as people walk on the sidewalk underneath.
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An imminent ground assault looms as Israel’s military instructed approximately 1.1 million residents in the north of besieged Gaza to evacuate within 24 hours, raising concerns about “devastating humanitarian consequences,” according to a United Nations spokesperson. Meanwhile, ongoing airstrikes in Gaza have killed 1,537 and displaced approximately 200,000 people, following the attack by Hamas militants that killed 1,300 Israelis.

Sami Abu Shehadeh, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, is bracing for worse to come. Born in Lod, a graduate of Tel Aviv University, and a current resident of Jaffa (the central part of Tel Aviv), Abu Shehadeh also took cover with the rest of his neighbors after his area was the target of a barrage of rockets fired by Hamas on Saturday.

In 2019, he was elected to Israel’s governing body, the Knesset, as a member of the Balad party, an Arab party that strives to secularize Israel. His party was so vocal about Palestinian rights that the Knesset ultimately voted to ban it from running for reelection, accusing it of “undermining Israel as a Jewish and democratic state,” though this decision was later overturned by the Israeli Supreme Court. Shehadeh is no longer on the Knesset, however, he still serves as head of the Balad party. We spoke about how Palestinian Israelis are coping, and what led to this conflict. Our conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Aymann Ismail: Can we start with the violent attack this past Saturday? How did you first learn about what happened that day?

Sami Abu Shehadeh: Like all Israeli citizens, I woke up at 6:00 in the morning to a siren warning that there were rockets in my area. And like everyone else, I was very afraid. I went back to sleep, and then I woke up to another siren. Then I started to check the news. And it came as a huge surprise. A huge surprise. It put us in a very complicated situation. I was terrified.

You and your party must be in a very difficult position.

Our position is very clear. First of all, we have never called for any acts of violence. We are against hurting any innocent human being anywhere. But you cannot continue ignoring that there are millions of people living under siege. There are millions of people living under occupation. Occupation by definition is a violent, continuous act. This must come to an end.

My party believes that there must be a historical compromise between the Palestinians and the Israelis. We want to see an end to this lasting conflict. It’s been too many years. We believe that there must be a political solution that is based on the values of justice and equality for all. We believe in the right of Israelis for self-determination, and we believe in their collective and individual rights to develop as a national group that has its base in the Hebrew language. We respect that. But we believe that they should give us the same rights in our homeland. As the Indigenous population here, we also deserve our collective and individual rights. We believe that there is a solution which is established on values of equality and justice for all Palestinians and Israelis.

What can you tell me about how Arab Israelis are experiencing this moment?

We are worried. For the last two decades, Israeli society has been deteriorating toward extreme fascism. And someone like Itamar Ben-Gvir, who was accused of terrorism under Israeli law, and someone like Bezalel Smotrich, who was also accused of terrorism under Israeli law, are now running the state. Very fanatic religious figures with very extreme and dangerous political agendas are running the state! They are 25 percent of the government. I’m very afraid for the future of the whole area I’m living in. These people are very dangerous to Israelis, Palestinians, and to the Middle East.

What do the Arab nations normalizing relations with Israel reveal to you about the future of Israel?

They use the word normalization in these treaties, but I don’t think that you can normalize occupation. I don’t think you can normalize putting 2,200,000 people under siege. The Arab world has a conflict with Israel because of the Palestinian question. Jumping over the Palestinian question in order to solve the problem is not something clever to do, in my point of view. Can you solve the problem by ignoring the problem?

I separate the Arab nations from the Arab governments. We know from the polls done across the Arab world that for the Arab nations, the Palestinian question is the most important question. We have no doubt about it. Arab nations don’t want to see massacres in Gaza. I’m quite sure about that. Now as for Arab governments, it depends. Each one has their own interests, their own problems, their own complexes. I’d like to think that Egypt and Jordan will play a very active role in bringing a cease-fire as quickly as possible.

Do Arab Israeli politicians play a role as well?

No. I don’t think so. We are too marginal for that.

It does seem the Arab coalition has grown since the anti-Netanyahu protests. Is there any hope to wield that influence?

In all of the big, important, and essential issues, there is a consensus against us. The world should understand that we are not struggling for better slavery conditions. We are struggling for liberation. We are struggling for justice and equality for all.

Why get involved in politics at all if the role of the Palestinian in the Israeli government is so negligible?

First of all, I was very hesitant to run for the Knesset. For a Palestinian activist, it’s not that great of an honor to become a member of the Knesset.

It’s accepted that when the average Zionist discusses human rights, what they have in mind is only Jewish human rights. So, it brings you into a very complicated political system. It’s not very encouraging to be there.

The political game in any normal democratic society is quite different than what Israel offers us. This state was built on the ruins of my people. You are in a very complicated situation full of contradictions. But on the other side, you don’t have many other options. This is the best political stage which is offered for you. It’s part of your responsibility to give alternatives to our people.

It sounds like you didn’t want to run, but felt compelled to.

It’s very easy for a Palestinian who lives in Israel to be involved in politics, because everything in our lives is politics. We live on racial separation. Arabs are alone, and Jews are alone. More than 90 percent of the population lives either in Jewish areas or in Arab areas. There are big Jewish cities and there are Arab towns. Something like 10 percent of the population lives in what is called “mixed cities.” I grew up in these areas—Lod, Ramla, and Jaffa are such areas—where you see discrimination and racism toward you in all aspects of life. You see the differences in infrastructure, in the services the state gives to Arabs and Jews, and it’s quite clear. If you live in Jaffa, which is considered a part of Tel Aviv, you pass through Tel Aviv and you go back to your underdeveloped neighborhoods and you experience discrimination. And then you start asking yourself questions. Why are there so many gaps between me and the Jewish citizen in everything? This brings you to politics.

Inside the political system, we see ourselves as part of the Palestinian people. And we see ourselves as part of the Palestinian national movement. So being part of the Palestinian national movement, running in elections for the Knesset, and there is no chance for you as a minority to do anything serious, it’s full of contradictions. I felt compelled to go there. And when you are there, you don’t only see Ben-Gvir on TV, you work with him on the same committees! It’s unbelievable. I asked myself what I was doing here the whole time. Why do I have to do this?