Right now, amid a worsening pandemic, a majority of American voters are at least considering joining friends or family indoors on Nov. 26, which would be an uncomfortable amount of normal in a time we can't really afford it.
The state GOP’s relentless campaign to delegitimize pandemic precautions as partisan overreach has restricted the government’s ability to address a worsening crisis.
Though it might be too soon to say whether a fall wave has begun, it’s not too soon to see the recent rise in U.S. cases for what it is: a warning.
Experts have long feared that colder weather and other factors could create a fall wave of the coronavirus with the potential to dwarf previous peaks — and America’s most prominent COVID-19 modelers are projecting just that. So is it time to freak out about the fall? Maybe not just yet.
In recent days, experts have become increasingly convinced — and alarmed — that President Trump is pushing to cut corners and rush the release of a COVID-19 vaccine before Nov. 3 to improve his chances in the election.
Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa, has embraced a false online conspiracy theory that seeks to minimize the danger of COVID-19 by claiming only a few thousand Americans have died from the virus — not the 185,000 reported by health agencies and hospitals.
Although President Trump is correct that the U.S. has conducted more tests than any other country, it’s not testing enough, given the scale of its outbreak. But there might be a simple solution: new tests that prioritize speed over sensitivity.
The outlook for universal vaccination is clouded by political considerations from both sides: skepticism about medical authority and expertise on one side, and suspicions on the other that the administration is cutting corners on safety to rush a vaccine into production before the election.
A report released by the Trump administration’s coronavirus task force warns that 21 states are now in the “red zone” and need to take aggressive steps to slow the spread of COVID-19. But new guidelines from Harvard University show the task force's recommendations may be too weak to suppress the virus.
There’s no evidence from the rest of the world that relying on people to behave themselves can actually suppress the coronavirus to a manageable level, as opposed to merely slowing its spread. So far, only lockdowns have done that.
The problem with President Trump’s new strategy is that his prized data point is a mirage — an illusion that dissolves under closer inspection, revealing the opposite of the “success” it’s supposed to show.
Masks are necessary to combat America’s resurgent coronavirus pandemic. But they may no longer be enough. Patterns from countries that are faring much better than the U.S. suggest we won’t bring the virus to heel until we start locking down hot spots as well.
As the coronavirus has made its alarming American comeback in recent weeks — with dozens of states across the South and West regularly reporting record numbers of new cases and propelling the nationwide total of new daily infections past 50,000 for the first time — President Trump and others have sought to downplay the disturbing data by reciting a simple refrain: Yes, but what about the deaths?
With more tests coming back positive now than ever before — and with infections currently rising in 39 states — lockdowns in some form may be the only way to regain control over the coronavirus.
California locked down aggressively and never dismissed the threat. Yet now it’s being mentioned in the same breath as Florida, Arizona and Texas, states suffering new outbreaks. What went wrong?
The potential ban not only underscores how much worse the U.S. outbreak has gotten in recent days. It also highlights how much better the EU is currently doing than the U.S. But why?
Case counts are climbing in more than 20 states. But so far COVID-19 death counts have not been climbing along with them. Is that because patients are starting to skew younger?
Florida has certainly been finding more cases. On June 1, Florida’s seven-day average stood at 726 cases per day. As of June 15, it had more than doubled to 1,775. However, Florida has been conducting roughly the same average number of COVID-19 tests every day for the last month.
As people across all 50 states continue to gather to protest police brutality and systemic racism, the question is whether this will spark a COVID-19 resurgence right when the U.S. seemed to be getting its epidemic under control.
In many ways, Japan’s experience of the coronavirus pandemic has paralleled America’s, and yet Japan’s outbreak has stalled — at much lower levels of infection and death.
Twenty states reported an increase in new infections during the week ending May 24, up from 13 states the week before.
On April 24, Georgia became the first U.S. state to initiate the fraught process known as “reopening.” That hasn’t produced a surge of new cases … yet. The answer to whether other states should follow Georgia’s lead and reopen more fully is that it depends.
What parents are actually being asked to assess when administrators request “feedback” on reopening is whether that risk — the risk that children will wind up spreading the coronavirus to teachers, parents, grandparents and beyond — is one they’re willing to take.
For Americans, two countries have emerged as touchstones for dealing with the pandemic: Sweden, for conservatives, and Germany, for liberals. But would either approach work in the U.S.?
Asked whether they plan to get vaccinated against COVID-19 if and when a vaccine arrives, a majority of Americans say yes. But a significant minority say they won’t get vaccinated or they’re not sure. And that, more than anything else, is what the Yahoo News/YouGov poll found — that Americans are afraid.
“Many are longtime Republicans wrestling with what they see as a choice between two lousy candidates.”
“Some undecideds turn out to be people who’ve long felt alienated from the two big political parties.”
“They’re not following the 24-hour news cycle. The election and politics are just not a high priority.”
“One common trait: at this stage of the game, the undecided voter doesn’t fit into an easy political profile.”
“More realistically...these voters may not be motivated to vote at all in the 2020 election.”