16 WAPT Chief Meteorologist David Hartman has the forecast for Jackson and Central Mississippi.
- LA Times
With Patrick Beverley out indefinitely because of a broken hand and Paul George taking a night off, the Clippers survived a game of wild swings to beat the Rockets on Friday night.
- Architectural Digest
While locations of the kitchen and bathrooms are set, clients can customize the layouts to fit their needs, including open or traditional floor plans, and add amenities such as balconies, gardens, and parking. Architect Jeffrey Sommers of Square Root designed the semi-customizable C3 Pre-fab—the first LEED Platinum–certified home in Chicago—using corrugated Galvalume, reclaimed wood, and fiber cement. Modular construction allowed the firm to build on a narrow site that would have not have allowed traditional building methods.
India is the closest refuge for Myanmar nationals fleeing violence following February's military coup.
- Raleigh News and Observer
Former Wake Forest golfer closes his second round at the Masters with three straight birdies to play himself into Saturday’s final pairing with leader Justin Rose.
- Associated Press
Victor Oladipo will not be with the Miami Heat when they depart Saturday for a four-game West Coast trip, and more evaluation will be required before the team knows the full extent of his right-knee issue. Oladipo hurt the knee during the fourth quarter of Miami's win over the Los Angeles Lakers on Thursday night. The right knee is the same one that Oladipo injured in 2019, when he ruptured a quad tendon as a member of the Indiana Pacers.
- USA TODAY
Macy's bedding sets are on sale for some of the lowest prices of the season, with three-piece collections available for as low as $18.99—details.
- The New York Times
The prospect of a fourth wave of the coronavirus, with new cases climbing sharply in the Upper Midwest, has reignited a debate among vaccine experts over how long to wait between the first and second doses. Extending that period would swiftly increase the number of people with the partial protection of a single shot, but some experts fear it could also give rise to dangerous new variants. In the United States, two-dose vaccines are spaced three to four weeks apart, matching what was tested in clinical trials. But in Britain, health authorities have delayed doses by up to 12 weeks in order to reach more people more quickly. And in Canada, which has precious few vaccines to go around, a government advisory committee recommended on Wednesday that second doses be delayed even longer, up to four months. Some health experts think the United States should follow suit. Dr. Ezekiel J. Emanuel, a co-director of the Healthcare Transformation Institute at the University of Pennsylvania, has proposed that for the next few weeks, all U.S. vaccines should go to people receiving their first dose. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times “That should be enough to quell the fourth surge, especially in places like Michigan, like Minnesota,” he said in an interview. Emanuel and his colleagues published the proposal in an op-ed on Thursday in USA Today. But opponents, including health advisers to the Biden administration, argue that delaying doses is a bad idea. They warn it will leave the country vulnerable to variants — those already circulating, as well as new ones that could evolve inside the bodies of partially vaccinated people who are not able to swiftly fight off an infection. “It’s a very dangerous proposal to leave the second dose to a later date,” said Dr. Luciana Borio, the former acting chief scientist of the Food and Drug Administration. Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious-disease expert, agreed. “Let’s go with what we know is the optimal degree of protection,” he said. The seeds of the debate were planted in December, when clinical trials gave scientists their first good look at how well the vaccines worked. In the clinical trial for the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccines, for example, volunteers enjoyed robust protection from COVID-19 two weeks after the second dose. But just 10 days after the first dose, researchers could see that the volunteers were getting sick less often than those who got the placebo. In the same month, Britain experienced a surge of cases caused by a new, highly transmissible variant called B.1.1.7. Once the British government authorized two vaccines — from Pfizer-BioNTech and AstraZeneca — it decided to fight the variant by delaying the second doses of both formulations by 12 weeks. That policy has allowed Britain to get first doses into an impressive number of arms. As of Thursday, 48% of the British population has received at least one dose. By contrast, the United States has delivered at least one dose to just 33% of Americans. In January, some researchers lobbied for the United States to follow Britain’s example. “I think right now, in advance of this surge, we need to get as many one doses in as many people over 65 as we possibly can to reduce a serious illness and deaths that are going to occur over the weeks ahead,” Michael T. Osterholm of the University of Minnesota said on Jan. 31 on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” But the government stayed the course, arguing that it would be unwise to veer off into the unknown in the middle of a pandemic. Although the clinical trials did show some early protection from the first dose, no one knew how well that partial protection would last. “When you’re talking about doing something that may have real harm, you need empirical data to back that,” said Dr. Céline R. Gounder, an infectious-disease specialist at Bellevue Hospital Center and a member of President Joe Biden’s coronavirus advisory board. “I don’t think you can logic your way out of this.” But in recent weeks, proponents of delaying doses have been able to point to mounting evidence suggesting that a first dose can provide potent protection that lasts for a number of weeks. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that two weeks after a single dose of either the Moderna or the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine, a person’s risk of coronavirus infection dropped by 80%. And researchers in Britain have found that first-dose protection is persistent for at least 12 weeks. Emanuel argued that Britain’s campaign to get first doses into more people had played a role in the 95% drop in cases since their peak in January. “It’s been pretty stunning,” Emanuel said. He points to data like this as further evidence that the United States should stretch out vaccinations. He and his colleagues estimate that if the country had used a 12-week schedule from the start of its rollout, an additional 47 million people would have gotten at least one dose by April 5. Sarah E. Cobey, an epidemiologist and evolutionary biologist at the University of Chicago, said she thought that the United States had lost a precious opportunity to save many lives with such a strategy. “We’ve missed a window, and people have died,” she said. But even now, Emanuel said, it’s worth delaying doses. The United States is giving out roughly 3 million vaccines a day, but nearly half are going to people who have already received one shot. The nation’s entire supply, he argued, should instead be going instead to first-timers. If that happened, it would take two or three weeks for the United States to catch up with Britain, according to his team’s calculations. The extra protection would not just save the lives of the vaccinated but would help reduce transmission of the virus to people yet to get any protection. Still, some scientists say it’s premature to credit the delayed vaccination schedule for Britain’s drop in cases. “They’ve done a few other things, like shut down,” Fauci said. “I think the real test will be whether we see a rebound in cases now that the U.K. is reopening.” Gounder said. Instead of experimenting with vaccination schedules, critics say it would be wiser to get serious about basic preventive measures like wearing masks. “It’s crucial that we don’t just reopen into a big national party,” Borio said. She and others are also worried by recent studies that show that a single dose of Moderna or Pfizer-BioNTech does not work as well against certain variants, such as B.1.351, which was first found in South Africa. “Relying on one dose of Moderna or Pfizer to stop variants like B.1.351 is like using a BB gun to stop a charging rhino,” said John P. Moore, a virologist at Weill Cornell Medicine. Moore said he also worried that delaying doses could promote the spread of new variants that can better resist vaccines. As coronaviruses replicate inside the bodies of some vaccinated people, they may acquire mutations that allow them to evade the antibodies generated by the vaccine. But Cobey, who studies the evolution of viruses, said she wasn’t worried about delayed doses breeding more variants. “I would put my money on it having the opposite effect,” she said. Last week, she and her colleagues published a commentary in Nature Reviews Immunology in defense of delaying doses. Getting more people vaccinated — even with moderately less protection — could translate into a bigger brake on the spread of the virus in a community than if fewer people had stronger protection, they said. And that decline wouldn’t just mean more lives were saved. Variants would also have a lower chance of emerging and spreading. “There are fewer infected people in which variants can arise,” she said. Dr. Adam S. Lauring, a virologist at the University of Michigan who was not involved in the commentary, said he felt that Cobey and her colleagues had made a compelling case. “The arguments in that piece really resonate with me,” he said. Although it seems unlikely that the United States will shift course, its neighbor to the north has embraced a delayed strategy to cope with a booming pandemic and a short supply of vaccines. Dr. Catherine Hankins, a public health specialist at McGill University in Montreal and a member of Canada’s COVID-19 Immunity Task Force, endorsed that decision, based on the emerging evidence about single doses. And she said she thought that other countries facing even worse shortfalls should consider it as well. “I will be advocating at the global level that countries take a close look at Canada’s strategy and think seriously about it,” Haskins said. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
- Associated Press
Tampa Bay scored three times in the first six minutes of the game, Andrei Vasilevskiy made 32 saves and the Lightning beat the Columbus Blue Jackets 6-4 on Thursday night. Blake Coleman roofed a shot 58 seconds in, and then Steven Stamkos and Barclay Goodrow scored a minute apart to put the Blue Jackets in an early hole. Ryan McDonagh scored twice, and Ross Colton also had a goal as the Lightning stopped a three-game skid and earned a split of the two-game series with Columbus as they duel the Florida Panthers and Carolina Hurricanes for supremacy in the Central Division.
- Associated Press
Devin Shore broke a tie with 7:02 left, Mike Smith made 39 saves and the Edmonton Oilers beat the Ottawa Senators 3-1 on Thursday night to sweep the nine-game season series. Kailer Yamamoto and Jesse Puljujarvi, into an empty net, also scored for Edmonton. “Everyone’s got a role,” Shore said.
- The State
The Charlotte Hornets’ renewed attention to detail in drafting and development has seen players like McDaniels grow from late draft picks to impactful fill-in starters.
- USA TODAY
Atlantic City casino profits were down more than 80% in 2020 according to figures released Friday. But seven of its nine casinos did turn a profit.
- Associated Press
The Nashville Predators placed forward Filip Forsberg on injured reserve Friday in just one of their updates on an injury list that keeps growing longer. The Predators also said rookie forward Eeli Tolvanen (lower body injury) and defenseman Dante Fabbro (upper body injury) now are week to week. Right wing Mathieu Olivier will miss four to six weeks with a lower body injury after being hurt in the second period of Thursday night's 7-1 win over Detroit.
- The New York Times
SAN CLEMENTE, Calif. — Word got around when Kristine Hostetter was spotted at a public mask-burning at the San Clemente pier, and when she appeared in a video sitting onstage as her husband spoke at a QAnon convention. People talked when she angrily accosted a family wearing masks near a local surfing spot, her granddaughter in tow. Even in San Clemente, a well-heeled redoubt of Southern California conservatism, Hostetter stood out for her vehement embrace of both the rebellion against COVID-19 restrictions and the stolen-election lies pushed by former President Donald Trump. This was, after all, a teacher so beloved that each summer parents jockeyed to get their children into her fourth grade class. But it was not until Hostetter’s husband posted a video of her marching down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the Capitol on Jan. 6 that her politics collided with an opposite force gaining momentum in San Clemente: a growing number of left-leaning parents and students who, in the wake of the civil-rights protests set off by the police killing of George Floyd, decided they would no longer countenance the right-wing tilt of their neighbors and the racism they said was commonplace. Sign up for The Morning newsletter from the New York Times That Hostetter herself had displayed no overt racism was beside the point — to them, her pro-Trump views seemed self-evidently laced with white supremacy. So she became their cause. First, a student group organized a petition demanding the school district investigate whether Hostetter, 54, had taken part in the attack on the Capitol, and whether her politics had crept into her teaching. Then, when the district complied and suspended her, a group of parents put up a counter petition. “If the district starts disciplinary action based on people’s beliefs/politics, what’s next? Religious discrimination?” it warned. Each petition attracted thousands of signatures, and San Clemente has spent the months since embroiled in the divisive politics of post-Trump America, wrestling with uncomfortable questions about the limits of free speech and whether Hostetter and those who share her views should be written off as conspiracy theorists and racists who have no place in public life, not to mention shaping young minds in a classroom. It has not been a polite debate. Neighbors have taken to monitoring one another’s social media posts; some have infiltrated private Facebook groups to figure out who is with them and who is not — and they have the screenshots to prove it. Even the local yoga community, where Hostetter’s husband was a fixture, has found itself divided. “It goes deeper than just her. A lot of conversations between parents, between friends, have already been fractured by Trump, by the election, by Black Lives Matter,” said Cady Anderson, whose two children attend Kristine Hostetter’s school. Hostetter, she added, “just brought it all home to us.” Complicating matters is Hostetter’s relative silence. Apart from appearing at protests and the incident at the beach, she has said little publicly over the past year, and did not respond to repeated interview requests for this article. People have filled in the blanks. To Hostetter’s backers, the entire affair is being overblown by an intolerant mob of woke liberals who have no respect for the privacy of someone’s personal politics. Yet Hostetter’s politics, while personal, are hardly private, and to those who have lined up against her, she is inextricably linked to her husband, Alan, who last year emerged as a rising star in Southern California’s resurgent far right. An Army veteran and former police chief of La Habra, California, Alan Hostetter was known around San Clemente as a yoga guru — his specialty is “sound healing” with gongs, Tibetan bowls and Aboriginal didgeridoos — until the pandemic turned him into a self-declared “patriotic warrior.” He gave up yoga and founded the American Phoenix Project, which says it arose as a result of “the fear-based tyranny of 2020 caused by manipulative officials at the highest levels of our government.” Throughout the spring, summer and fall, the American Phoenix Project organized protests against COVID-related restrictions up and down Orange County, and Alan Hostetter’s list of enemies grew: Black Lives Matter protesters. The election thieves. Cabals and conspiracies drawn from QAnon, the movement that claims Trump was secretly battling devil-worshipping Democrats and international financiers who abuse children. By Jan. 5, Alan Hostetter, 56, had graduated to the national stage, appearing with former Trump adviser Roger Stone at a rally outside the Supreme Court. His appearance there and the next day at the Capitol prompted some of San Clemente’s more liberal residents to make bumper stickers that read: “Alan Hostraitor.” It also led the FBI to raid his apartment in early February, though he was not arrested or charged with any crime. (He, too, did not respond to interview requests.) Kristine Hostetter was there every step of the way, raising money and filming her husband as he rallied supporters at protests. When the American Phoenix Project filed incorporation papers in December, she was identified as its chief financial officer. The Teacher Kristine Hostetter grew up in Orange County back when locals still joked about the “Orange Curtain” separating its conservative and overwhelmingly white towns from liberal and diverse Los Angeles to the north. In the late 1960s, Richard Nixon turned an oceanside villa in San Clemente into his presidential getaway, christening it La Casa Pacifica. John Wayne kept his prized yacht, Wild Goose, docked up the coast in Newport Beach. “Orange County,” Ronald Reagan once declared, “is where the good Republicans go before they die.” It also was where surfers and spiritual seekers met cold warriors and conspiracy theorists, where some of the conservative movement’s most virulently racist, anti-Semitic and paranoid offshoots went. In the 1960s, Orange County saw a surge in the popularity of the John Birch Society, an anti-communist organization that in many ways presaged the rise of QAnon. In the 1980s, its surf spots became a magnet for neo-Nazis and skinheads. And in 2020, the onset of the pandemic produced a new generation of Orange County extremists. If Kristine Hostetter had any strong political leanings before last year, she did not let on, said her niece, Emma Hall. She only picked up the first hint of her aunt’s rightward drift at small party to celebrate the Hostetters’ wedding in 2016. “There were about six people, friends of theirs, that did not let up asking me if I was going to vote for Trump,” recalled Hall’s husband, Ryan. Neither of the Halls gave it much thought. Hostetter seemed happy, and her new husband exuded the laid-back charm that typifies a certain kind of Southern California man in the American imagination. He led his yoga classes at a studio not far from where they lived, in one of the small apartment blocks packed onto the steep hillside rising from the beach. His sound healings drew a mix of well-to-do women and New Age types seeking “that peaceful place within us all that we can all touch if we just devote a little effort to finding it,” as he put it to VoyageLA magazine in 2019. His new wife also got into yoga, Emma Hall said. Then came the pandemic and the American Phoenix Project. “It just went from zero to a hundred, from not talking about politics at all to the only thing he was talking about was how Gavin Newsom was a dictator and COVID-19 is a fake and China and QAnon, Ryan Hall said. As for Kristine Hostetter, she “wasn’t out shouting about it like Alan, but she was there,” her niece added. In style and rhetoric, the American Phoenix Project married the mistrust of institutions so common among New Age devotees with a paranoid form of Trumpism gaining purchase across the country. Its protests quickly gained supporters — from self-described yoga moms to Dana Rohrabacher, the Republican former congressman. At first, Kristine Hostetter appeared to keep her distance. When other teachers asked about the American Phoenix Project, “she was always like: ‘Oh, that’s just him. That’s not me,’” said a colleague, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid antagonizing school administrators. Soon enough, though, Kristine Hostetter was joining her husband at protests. When he and seven other people were arrested in May at a protest to tear down a temporary fence around the town beach, she set up a GoFundMe page to raise money for their defense. As the year went on, the American Phoenix Project grew steadily more extreme. There was talk of domestic enemies and executions, curfew-breaking street parties and “patriot patrols” to monitor the few small Black Lives Matter protests in and around San Clemente. Alan Hostetter began wearing a “Q” pin in his fedora, and gained a reputation among those who disagreed with him as a menacing figure. At one point, he suggested a woman who commented on one of his Facebook posts should come find him in person. “But before you try too hard to pay me a visit, let’s play a little game, snowflake,” he wrote in a Facebook direct message reviewed by The New York Times. “Let’s compare what we were both doing in 1995.” He was a police officer at the time. “You might pause a little bit before you look too hard for me,” he added. That his wife had accosted people wearing masks in public only intensified concerns. Indeed, a number of San Clemente residents interviewed for this article would not allow their names to be used for fear of provoking the couple. At the American Phoenix Project, they were joined by Russ Taylor, who owns a graphic design business, a multimillion-dollar home and a red Corvette he calls the “Patriot Missile.” The group’s board included Morton Irvine Smith, scion of a quarrelsome California family that once owned much of the land on which Orange County was built. In January, the four of them traveled to Washington. The American Phoenix Project helped pay for the Jan. 5 rally in front of the Supreme Court. A day later, they all listened to Trump’s speech at the Ellipse and marched to the Capitol. How close Kristine Hostetter got to the building remains an open question. But Alan Hostetter and Taylor appear to have made it to the terrace on the west side of the building, and posted images of themselves a short distance from where a mob was battling the police. The Petition Esther Mafouta was visiting her grandparents in Spain when, a day after the Capitol attack, a friend texted her a photo of a woman marching in Washington that was making the rounds on Twitter. It was her old fourth-grade teacher, Kristine Hostetter. “I kept zooming in to check if that was really her,” Mafouta, 18, said in an interview. “I remember how shocked I was.” What until then had largely been a local skirmish in the national battle over COVID restrictions and stolen-election claims was about to be threaded together with the other explosive through line of 2020 politics: the fight over racial justice. Mafouta says she has only warm memories of her time in Hostetter’s class and cannot recall being mistreated or singled out for being Black. But, she said, “maybe I didn’t notice it because I was so young. Maybe it affected how she viewed me and my other peers of color.” In the years since, Mafouta said, she has grown keenly aware of race, and last year she and three friends, inspired by the Black Lives Matter protests sweeping the country, started their own group, CUSD Against Racism, to fight the bigotry that they say pervades the schools in and around San Clemente. Their first move was an open letter to the Capistrano Unified School District that attracted more than 800 signatures. The letter castigated the district for not explicitly supporting the Black Lives Matter movement and demanded a series of progressive reforms, such as adopting an explicitly anti-racist curriculum at all grade levels and hiring more people of color as teachers and mental-health counselors. A decade ago, far milder proposals would have been dead on arrival in almost any corner of Orange County. But the county is in the midst of a remarkable political shift. In 2016, Orange County voted for a Democratic presidential candidate for the first time since 1936. Two years later, the congressional district that includes San Clemente elected a Democrat for the first time since its creation in 1972. Yet the county, and especially San Clemente, remains overwhelmingly white, and frictions over race persist. As recently as 2019, San Clemente High School made national news when students shouted racial epithets at opposing players during a football game. The open letter written by Mafouta and her friends included dozens of pages of testimony from students about episodes of racism at the 63 schools in the district: Black students pressured into giving white friends a “pass” to use a slur for African Americans. Latinos being described as dirty. A teacher asking an Asian student what it was like to use a hole in the ground as a toilet. A Jewish student being asked if he had killed Jesus. It was in that context that Mafouta and her friends, seeing the Jan. 6 photo of Hostetter, with her Trumpist views and ties to the American Phoenix Project, decided they wanted the school district to do something about it. So they did what they knew best. They drew up a petition. “The Confederate flag was flown in the Capitol for the first time in history. That kind of speaks on the insurrection in general,” said Mafouta, who is now a freshman at Columbia University. “Kristine Hostetter is affiliated with that movement,” she continued. “We don’t know if she reflects those values, but that is something that is of grave concern to us.” The Fallout Signatures started piling on as soon as the petition went online. It was only days after the attack on the Capitol, and “we all wanted answers,” said Sharon Williams, a mother of a third grader at a different school who signed the petition. She did have concerns about free speech, she said, but if “you’re out there promoting violence and conspiracies, and you’re a teacher, that’s problematic.” Hundreds of other people who signed the petition also opted to send the school district an email pre-written by the students. It called on the district “to explicitly address the rampant white supremacy and anti-Semitism that occurred during the Capitol breach.” The email, however, sidestepped an inconvenient fact — many people in the district, including some school board members, felt very differently about what had taken place on Jan. 6. While they said they were horrified by the mob attack on the Capitol, many were at least sympathetic to the stolen-election claims and the protesters who had rallied that day in Washington. Where progressives saw a battle in the war against racism, a great many others saw censorious liberals trying to silence dissent by tarring conservatives as racists. “When did our youth lose sight of innocent until proven guilty and treating people fairly and respectfully?” Judy Bullockus, president of the school district’s board of trustees, wrote in a widely circulated email. No one had written an open letter or posted a petition when teachers attended Black Lives Matter rallies, Bullockus said in an interview. No one had called for an investigation when a teacher displayed a Black Lives Matter poster in the background while teaching remotely. “Now they want us to investigate a teacher’s politics?” she asked. “When someone had a different opinion, then suddenly the rules of the game change?” The school board, though, was hardly united. Two members, both of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid angering their colleagues, said they wanted her fired. Both argued that Kristine Hostetter displayed poor judgment, and they were troubled by her open advocacy for an extreme cause. But, one of them said, “the place where she teaches? A lot of the parents agree with her.” San Clemente is home to about 65,000 people, and Hostetter’s school, Vista Del Mar, is in one of the city’s toniest neighborhoods, an enclave in the arid hills above downtown where million-dollar homes sit behind well-watered lawns. The affluence is apparent in the small traffic jam that forms outside school each weekday morning — a long line of Teslas, BMWs, Mercedes-Benzes and Range Rovers just up the street from the golf club and the small shopping center with a Pilates studio and a pet spa. Among the parents who support Hostetter is Denise Martinez, whose daughter is in her class. It was a matter of free speech and a teacher being targeted for her right-wing views, Martinez said. “And they started calling her a racist, that she was anti-BLM.” Martinez’s mother came from Mexico, as did her husband’s entire family. Her daughter, who is “a pretty dark Mexican in a very white school,” has encountered outright racism, she said. But “never in Ms. Hostetter’s class.” “She’s always preaching how everybody’s equal, it’s what’s on the inside that matters,” Martinez said. And now Hostetter is back in the classroom. The district reinstated her last month after its investigation found she had done nothing more than protest peacefully in Washington. That may have settled the matter as far as the district is concerned. But for many people, nothing has been resolved. If anything, Hostetter’s case has served as a still-unspooling coda to the Trump years. “Frankly, it’s hard to get stoked about sending flowers and birthday cards to a classroom teacher who appears to align herself with a conspiratorial social movement and embraces the racist values of QAnon,” one mother wrote in an email to other parents. The parent said she was waiting for an explanation from Hostetter, or even “an apology in the event she did something she now regrets.” She is likely to be waiting a long while. In an email sent to a fellow teacher days after getting back to work, Hostetter betrayed no hint of regret. “If I was teaching students about journalism, I might consider a discussion about bias in the media, fact-checking and journalistic integrity,” Hostetter wrote to the teacher, who advises the student newspaper at San Clemente High School. The paper had broken the news of her suspension, and she went on to suggest in a second email that the student journalists should “reflect on whether they allow their own bias, or that of their peers, to influence their articles.” Now that she had been cleared, Hostetter hoped another story was in the works. “I will not be available for an interview, however,” she added. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. © 2021 The New York Times Company
Meghan Markle won't travel to Prince Philip's funeral. Experts say flying while pregnant during the pandemic can be risky.
An OB-GYN said flying while pregnant is generally safe before 36 weeks. Meghan Markle, whose due date is not known, didn't get clearance to fly.
- Business Insider
MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell says he hired private investigators to find out why Fox News isn't letting him speak on air
Mike Lindell said Friday he "spent a lot of money" investigating Fox News for its failure to invite him on air to peddle false election claims.
- Fort Worth Star-Telegram
Joey Gallo was the only base runner against Joe Musgrove thanks to getting hit in the pitch in the right leg in the fourth inning.
- Business Insider
It seems unlikely that vaccinated people spread the coronavirus. So Fauci told Insider the US may return to normal sooner than we think.
Social-media users who reposted Khloé Kardashian's unedited bikini photo speak out after being threatened with legal action
Insider spoke with three social-media users who were asked by Kardashian's team to delete a widely shared picture that was seemingly unedited.
Devin Murphy, Rep. Matt Gaetz's legislative director, has stepped down amid a federal investigation into sex trafficking allegations against the Florida Republican congressman, the New York Times first reported and Axios has confirmed.The latest: "It's been real," Murphy wrote in an email, obtained by Axios, to Republican legislative directors on Saturday morning, with the subject line: "Well...bye."Get market news worthy of your time with Axios Markets. Subscribe for free.Context: Gaetz, who has not been charged with any crimes, has repeatedly denied allegations of being sexually involved with a 17-year-old girl and claims that he shared naked images of women with other Congress members. Gaetz doubled down on his denials on Friday evening, saying he's not "going anywhere," and vowing, "I have not yet begun to fight." Gaetz's communications director Luke Ball resigned in early April.What they're saying: As of Saturday afternoon, Murphy's automated email response says: "I am no longer with the office of Congressman Matt Gaetz. Womp womp. Cue the sad trombone."Murphy directed requests to Isabela Belchior, who was named as legislative counsel for Gaetz in February. She previously assisted Rep. Sylvia Garcia (D-Texas) in the 2020 impeachment trial of former President Trump.Murphy told associates he was interested in working on legislation, not working at TMZ, the New York Times reported earlier this week.Murphy left not because of the representative's legal troubles but over media coverage of the investigation, per CNN.The big picture: The House Ethics Committee announced Friday it had launched a probe into Gaetz.Gaetz said the Justice Department launched an investigation after charging one of his associates, Joel Greenberg, with federal sex trafficking and other crimes.A lawyer for Greenberg indicated last week that he is in plea negotiations with federal prosecutors over his sex trafficking of a minor.A plea deal may indicate that Greenberg is open to cooperating with investigators by providing information, though it's unknown how deep the negotiations are.Go deeper: Gaetz to speak at pro-Trump women's conference amid sex trafficking probe Like this article? Get more from Axios and subscribe to Axios Markets for free.
- USA TODAY
Officials said that Alexander Lofgren, 32, was dead and Emily Henkel, 27, was hospitalized after they were found in Death Valley National Park.